Standard Form English Language

John Wells defines EE as “standard English spoken with an accent that contains features that can be localized in the south-east of England”, and David Crystal refers to it as a “continuum of pronunciation possibilities” because the elements of this dialect share Cockney and Received Pronunciation (now RP) characteristics. Unlike other languages, English does not have an organization such as the Real Academia EspaƱola or the French Academy to establish its use, and so there are no official rules for “standard English”. To put things in a different perspective, linguist Paul Kerswill argues in RP, Standard English and the Standard/Non-Standard relationship that social mobility leads to dialect leveling, i.e. to the reduction of differences between local accents and dialects and to the development of new traits adopted by speakers over a wide area. This is not to say that standard English have no use: it is important for learners to have only one form of English to learn, and more generally, the ability to speak a standard form of English means that people around the world can understand each other more easily. But Standard English should not be considered “the only true” form of English or having a higher status. Whether you are a teacher, an English learner or an L1 English speaker with a regional accent or dialect, remember that speaking standard English is not so important: what is most important is the ability to communicate with people in English. Thaisen[54] analyzed the spelling of the texts forming type 2, found no consistent similarity between the spelling decisions of the different writers, and no obvious overlap of selection signaling an incipient normalization, and concluded, “It`s time to put the types to rest.” Individual writers spent entire careers in the mixed language phase, unaware that monolingual English would be the ultimate outcome and that it was actually a transitional phase. For much of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, mixed language writing was the professional norm in money-related types of texts, providing a channel for borrowing Anglo-Norman vocabulary in English. In the twenty-first century, scientists take into account all of the above and more, including the rate of standardization between different types of texts, such as administrative documents; [23] [24] [25] [26] the role of individuals in the spread of standardization; [27] [28] the influence of multilingual and multilingual writing; the influence of the Book of Common Prayer; [29] Standardization of the word stick; [30] Development of technical registers; [31] Normalization of morphemes; [32] Standardization of letter graphics[33],[34] and partial normalization of older Scots. [35] John H. Fisher et al.[56][57] asserted that the spelling of a selection of documents, including Henry V`s bookmarks, copies of motions sent to the Court of Chancery, and acts now held in the National Archives represented what he called “Chancery English.” This spelling practice would have been created by the government of Henry V and would have been the precursor of standard English.

However, this assertion raised strong objections, such as those raised by Davis,[58] Haskett,[59] Watts,[60] and Takeda. [61] Takeda points out that “the language of the documents varies considerably and that it is not clear in the collection what exactly The English of the Chancery is linguistic” (for a careful critique of Fisher`s assertions, see Takeda. 61]) For a critique of Fisher`s philological work, see Benskin,[62] who describes his research as “uninformed not only philological but also historical.” A number of scholars of the late twentieth century followed morphemes as they were standardized, such as auxiliary words,[20] present in the third person, you/du,[21] wh pronouns and single negation,[22] several negations are common in Old and Middle English and remain so even in regional varieties spoken of English. Morphologically speaking, there is a common use of the word “innit” as opposed to tag questions, such as “She`s nice, innit?” as opposed to “She`s nice, isn`t she?” The word “ain`t” is sometimes used instead of the negative form of the present tense of the verb “to be”, for example, “I do not come” as a substitute for “I do not come” and as a substitute for the negative present tense of the auxiliary verb “to have”, thus perfectly forming the present tense, for example, “I did not do it” instead of “I did not do it”. Standard varieties of English (or any other language) do not yet exist forever. For English, the first standard English was developed in the 15th and 16th centuries and was based on dialects spoken in London and the East Midlands for spelling and grammar, and the high society accent in London for pronunciation (Nevalainen 2003: 133-134). At first, it was used only by the government, but it quickly became the norm for the upper class in general: it became the language of literature, science, politics and education. We use different registers when addressing different audiences or in different contexts. Different registries have different vocabulary (for example, the words used by doctors or lawyers when talking about their specialty) and are also more or less formal. Thus, the early stage of normalization can be identified by the reduction of grammatical and orthographic variants and the loss of geographically marked variants in the writing of individuals.

Speakers from lower socioeconomic strata tend to use non-standard dialectal characteristics more excessively, as they are more likely to leave education earlier, have non-professional jobs, and therefore do not have to associate with a particular lexicon or “prestige” way of speaking. Therefore, the use of non-standard dialectal words, grammar, and pronunciation decreases as an individual spends time in education, as they need to be more “aware” of the context as speakers of other social classes. .